GRIID Interview on the creation and purpose of the Grand Rapids Area Mutual Aid Network
We posed a few questions to those who have been instrumental in facilitating the creation of the Grand Rapids Area Mutual Aid Network.
The work of the Grand Rapids Area Mutual Aid Network is still evolving, with new ideas and new opportunities being posted daily. We encourage you to like the page, to share the information with your networks and to think about how we can organize ourselves outside of the limiting capitalist framework and promote cooperation and collective liberation.
In January, we reported on Medicaid Work Requirements that Michigan had adopted in 2018, but were to begin on January 1st of this year. The Medicaid Work Requirements bill was supported by the West Michigan Policy Forum, which is made up of the most powerful individuals and families in West Michigan.
Yesterday )March 12), the Michigan House of Representatives voted on Concurrent Resolution 17, which would, “urge the United States Secretary of Health and Human Services to appeal the federal court ruling invalidating the waiver for Michigan’s Medicaid work requirements, defend the waiver, and uphold its intended purpose of encouraging self-sufficiency.”
Yesterday’s vote was a response to a judge’s ruling, which invalidated the waiver for the work requirements on March 4.
What is instructive about the vote, but not surprising, is that of the 56 Republican legislators that vote in favor of the resolution, 36 of them have members of the Grand Rapids Power Structure listed as major campaign contributors.
Most of those who received campaign contributions from members of the Grand Rapids Power Structure, received money from the DeVos family. However, there were some who voted to continue Medicaid Work Requirements that received campaign funding from other powerful people in West Michigan, such as Peter Cecchia, John Kennedy, the Meijer family and Michael Jandernoa. All of these men are also involved in the West Michigan Policy Forum.
It is important that we acknowledge that these men who have tremendous political, economic and social influence in the Greater Grand Rapids Area, are funding politicians that does harm to working class individuals and families, primarily because it fits within their ideological framework and because it directs money away from working people.
In addition, it is clear that these politicians do not care about the well being of working people, especially now with the coronavirus crisis. Those that voted in favor of Medicaid Work Requirements is nothing short of cruelty.
Below is a listing of the Republicans in Michigan that voted for the resolution, along with a link to their campaign funding history. Those who have an N after their name, did not receive campaign funds from those who are part of the Grand Rapids Power Structure.
Afendoulis http://mcfn.org/donor-tracking?candidate=137
Albert http://mcfn.org/donor-tracking?candidate=104
Alexander http://mcfn.org/donor-tracking?candidate=129
Allor http://mcfn.org/donor-tracking?candidate=94
Bellino (N) http://mcfn.org/donor-tracking?candidate=68
Berman http://mcfn.org/donor-tracking?candidate=17
Bollin (N) http://mcfn.org/donor-tracking?candidate=122
Brann http://mcfn.org/donor-tracking?candidate=133
Calley (N) http://mcfn.org/donor-tracking?candidate=105
Chatfield http://mcfn.org/donor-tracking?candidate=88
Cole http://mcfn.org/donor-tracking?candidate=90
Crawford http://mcfn.org/donor-tracking?candidate=79
Eisen (N) http://mcfn.org/donor-tracking?candidate=100
Farrington http://mcfn.org/donor-tracking?candidate=78
Filler (N) http://mcfn.org/donor-tracking?candidate=115
Frederick http://mcfn.org/donor-tracking?candidate=103
Glenn http://mcfn.org/donor-tracking?candidate=109
Green http://mcfn.org/donor-tracking?candidate=102
Griffin http://mcfn.org/donor-tracking?candidate=10
Hall http://mcfn.org/donor-tracking?candidate=119
Hauck http://mcfn.org/donor-tracking?candidate=4
Hernandez (N) http://mcfn.org/donor-tracking?candidate=101
Hoitenga http://mcfn.org/donor-tracking?candidate=6
Hornberger http://mcfn.org/donor-tracking?candidate=84
Howell http://mcfn.org/donor-tracking?candidate=97
Huizenga http://mcfn.org/donor-tracking?candidate=116
Iden http://mcfn.org/donor-tracking?candidate=118
Johnson http://mcfn.org/donor-tracking?candidate=138
Kahle http://mcfn.org/donor-tracking?candidate=130
LaFave http://mcfn.org/donor-tracking?candidate=91
Leutheuser (N) http://mcfn.org/donor-tracking?candidate=120
Lightner http://mcfn.org/donor-tracking?candidate=13
Lilly http://mcfn.org/donor-tracking?candidate=106
Lower http://mcfn.org/donor-tracking?candidate=136
Maddock (N) http://mcfn.org/donor-tracking?candidate=121
Marino http://mcfn.org/donor-tracking?candidate=75
Markkanen (N) http://mcfn.org/donor-tracking?candidate=87
Meerman (N) http://mcfn.org/donor-tracking?candidate=9
Miller (N) http://mcfn.org/donor-tracking?candidate=125
Mueller http://mcfn.org/donor-tracking?candidate=148
O’Malley http://mcfn.org/donor-tracking?candidate=95
Paquette http://mcfn.org/donor-tracking?candidate=128
Reilly (N) http://mcfn.org/donor-tracking?candidate=144
Rendon http://mcfn.org/donor-tracking?candidate=93
Sheppard (N) http://mcfn.org/donor-tracking?candidate=131
Slagh http://mcfn.org/donor-tracking?candidate=108
VanSingel (N) http://mcfn.org/donor-tracking?candidate=96
VanWoerkom http://mcfn.org/donor-tracking?candidate=113
Vaupel (N) http://mcfn.org/donor-tracking?candidate=123
Wakeman (N) http://mcfn.org/donor-tracking?candidate=112
Webber http://mcfn.org/donor-tracking?candidate=141
Wendzel (N) http://mcfn.org/donor-tracking?candidate=98
Wentworth http://mcfn.org/donor-tracking?candidate=110
Whiteford (N) http://mcfn.org/donor-tracking?candidate=99
Wozniak (N) http://mcfn.org/donor-tracking?candidate=81
Yaroch (N) http://mcfn.org/donor-tracking?candidate=86
How the revolutionary priest & poet, Ernesto Cardenal, helped to radicalize my life nearly 40 years ago
On March 1st, Ernesto Cardenal, the Nicaraguan priest & poet, died at the age of 95. Cardenal is known in some circles as the Minister of Culture in the Sandinista government, after the Sandinistas ousted the US-backed dictator Anastasio Somoza in July of 1979.
Other people know about Cardenal, because of his role in founding the religious community in Nicaragua, known as Solentiname.
I first came to know of Cardenal when I was reading he works of Thomas Merton, the Trappist Monk who’s writings were very influential in my early 20s. I was living in Puerto Rico in 1981 and teaching in a barrio school. I was exploring Catholicism and was encouraged to read the numerous books by Thomas Merton.
Cardenal had participated in a failed uprising against Somoza in the 1950s, which resulted in the death of many of Cardenal’s friends. Cardinal decided to leave Nicaragua and he came to the US and entered the same monastery that Merton was part of, the Trappist Monastery of Gethsemane in Kentucky. Cardenal was a novice and Merton was one of his teachers. Cardenal did not stay, but his time there was rather impactful, since he influenced his decision to go back to Nicaragua and help found the religious community in Solentiname.
Solentiname adopted some monastic qualities, but it was also influenced by liberation theology, a theology that was initially developed by Peruvian theologian, Fr. Gustavo Gutierrez.
However, Cardenal did not believe in divorcing himself from the world and he maintained a connection to the growing revolutionary movement that was organizing in the 1970, particularly around the FSLN, the Frente Sandinista de Liberacion Nacional. After the Sandinistas overthrew the Somozan dictatorship, Cardenal was asked to be the Minister of Culture. In fact, several other priests were asked to be part of the Sandinista government, including Cardenal’s brother and Fr. Miguel D’Escoto.
After teaching in Puerto Rico for a year, I moved to Grand Rapids in the summer of 1982. I was hired by St. James Catholic Church on the westside to be their youth minister. I quickly became friends with Tom Pieri, who was the head of the Social Justice committee at St. James. Tim had organized an evening of clarification, which consisted of a simple meal and focused theme for discussion, which also included two priests from Grand Rapids who had just returned from Nicaragua on a fact finding mission after the Sandinista revolution.
The two priests spoke favorably about the changes that had taken place in Nicaragua. They also shared that the Catholic hierarchy was not terribly supportive of what the Sandinistas were doing and that there were so many priests involved. The same time that these two priests were in Nicaragua, Pope John Paul II was visiting in Managua. Ernesto Cardenal went to be part of the delegation to greet the Pope. When the Pope descended from the airplane, Cardenal knelt on the tarmac, as was customary when greeting the pontiff. Cardenal attempted to kiss the Pope’s ring, but John Paul II did not extend his hand, instead he waved his finger at Cardenal and scolded him for being involved in politics.
Upon hearing this story I was puzzled that the head of the Catholic Church would reprimand people for being involved in trying to create a more just form of government. Why would the Pope chastise priests who were trying to insert gospel principles in their various positions in government?
Well, the priest at St. James heard about the evening of clarification and was livid, in part because he was not informed that there would be two priests speaking, but mostly because he took the Pope’s side on this matter.
A few months went by and I went to mass one Sunday morning at St. James. The priest did not give the sermon that day. Instead, the priest had invited a Nicaraguan to speak, a Nicaraguan who was living in Ann Arbor, Michigan in exile. This Nicaraguan was not a supporter of the Sandinista revolution and in fact was part of a far-right Catholic Charismatic community that was bank-rolled by Domino’s Pizza owner Tom Monaghan.
A few weeks later, the priest I worked for, then told me that he had arranged for me to go to Ann Arbor to stay at this religious community to “get my mind right.” I told him that I already had several commitments as youth minister, but he told me that I could cancel whatever plans I had and that this was more important. I resisted and told him that I did not want to go and that I was hear to work with the youth of the congregation. He told me that he could not have people working for him that were disobedient and he fired me on the spot and said I needed to pack my things and leave immediately.
I was pissed, but gladly packed my things, since I no longer wanted to work for such an authoritarian. I found out years later that this same priest had sexually assaulted several people while I St. James.
Fortunately, I found a place to stay temporarily and this incident led me to the decision to enter the seminary in the Grand Rapids diocese. While I was in the seminary, I read a series of letters that were exchanged between Ernesto Cardenal and Dan Berrigan. Cardenal was first writing about the importance of the Sandinista revolution, but Berrigan had criticized the Nicaraguan poet for supporting a revolution that involved the killing of people. Cardenal responded back to Berrigan, saying that his moral judgement was from a position of privilege and that unless he had experienced the repression of living under a dictatorship, he could not comprehend why Cardenal fully endorsed the Sandinista revolution.
I was only in the seminary for one year, but the incident at St. James, centered around differing ideological positions on Nicaragua, would have a tremendous impact on me, since Central American solidarity work became a large part of the organizing work I did from 1984 through the present. Until I went to do solidarity and accompaniment work in Guatemala in 1988, I was pretty committed to non-violence, both ideologically and in practice. However, after seeing the level of repression that people experienced and listening to labor organizers, campensinos, widow’s groups, the Mothers of the Disappeared and student organizers, I understood Cardenal’s response to Berrigan.
Then, in 2009, Ernesto Cardenal came to West Michigan to speak and read his poetry at several venues. He read his poetry at Fountain St. Church and one of the organizers of this event ask several people if they would read his poems in English, after Cardenal had read them in Spanish. I was honored to be one of those people.
After the event, I was able to visit with Ernesto briefly, listening him talk about what he had been doing in recent years. I brought a copy of a book of his poetry and asked him to sign it to my brother, especially since my brother was the one who introduced me to Merton in 1981, which led me directly to Cardenal’s work.
I stopped identifying with the Judeo-Christian tradition nearly 30 years ago, but I recognize the impact that those early years had in my formation, plus I continue to try to practice the kind of collective liberation that Cardenal and so many others introduced me to. Gracias Companero Ernesto. Descansa en paz.
MLive only asks the Mayor of Grand Rapids if there has been progress made after her first term
On Tuesday, MLive posted an article with the headline, A look back at Rosalynn Bliss’ first term as Grand Rapids mayor.
Near the beginning of that article it states:
Those priorities were wide in scope, including to improve racial equity and community-police relations, increase affordable housing, reduce homelessness, strengthen local schools and grow the local economy, among others.
The MLive story provides a fairly clear path for readers to determine whether or not Mayor Bliss was able to achieve the goals she laid out in 2016, with the 6 areas listed above. The question we should be asking ourselves is whether the MLive article provides us with an accurate assessment of whether or not the Mayor met those goals.
The MLive article is laid out in sections that deal with most of the 6 areas identified, but the only source cited in the article was Mayor. This type of journalism tends to provide a forum for those with political power, but without much verification. For instance, Mayor Bliss is quoted as saying:
“Our local economy is strong. You’ve seen a lot of development and energy downtown, and you see a lot of energy and vibrancy and growth in our neighborhoods. A lot of people want to move to our city and I think that’s a positive thing.”
What the Mayor said might sound nice, but the MLive writer provides no verification of whether or not the economy in Grand Rapids is doing well. It is true that more people are moving into the city, but that does not necessarily reflect how well the economy is doing and it certainly doesn’t take into consideration “for whom” is the economy doing well.
This begs the question as to why no other sources were cited. Wouldn’t it be more accurate or more complete to get feedback from people in the community, especially people who are working on these issues and those who are directly affected by them?
Affordable Housing
The MLive ariticle acknowledges that the Mayor established a Housing Advisory Committee and that most of the 11 recommendations were adopted. (The Housing Advisory Committee was made up of developers and non-profits representatives, but did not include those who are experiencing housing insecurity) However, just because a committee was created and some of their recommendations were adopted is not an indication that more affordable housing was created in the city. The City of Grand Rapids does list what has been accomplished in regards to affordable housing between 2012 and 2016, but this is not current data that would apply to the first term of Mayor Bliss. In addition, there is no data that reflects how many people have left Grand Rapids, especially renters who could no longer afford the increased cost of renting.
Homelessness
The MLive article suggests that veterans are no longer homeless in Kent County because they are now connected to resources, but this is not a clear indication that no US military veterans are homeless.
In regards to non-veteran homelessness, the Mayor acknowledges that there are lots of families with children who “are struggling” with housing stability and that there needs to be a more systemic solution. Unfortunately, there is no data provided on how many people are experiencing homelessness or housing instability. The article does say that the Mayor is working with the county and private partner to address the issue of homelessness. This is also not an answer and it doesn’t provide a clear benchmark as to how the problem will be solved. Will there be a push by the city to adopt a living wage policy, so people can afford stable housing, especially since the Mayor acknowledges that the problem is systemic. You cannot solve the housing crisis of any kind without having economic justice.
Racial Equity
Again, Mayor Bliss is the only source on the topic of Racial Equity cited in the MLive article. On the matter of racial equity it is mentioned that there was a commitment by the City to hire more minority-owned businesses. This is a good thing, but the reality is that most black and brown people in this community don’t own businesses and are, like most people, workers.
The article also states that the City just came out with an Equitable Economic Development & Mobility Strategic Plan. However, this plan leans heavy towards creating and providing support to minority-owned businesses and does not address the wealth gap that exists between white people and minorities. In addition, like the Housing Advisory Committee, those involved in creating the strategic plan are not people who are economically struggling, meaning people whose lived experience could offer ideas about how to create economic justice.
Lastly, on the matter of “growing the economy,” the MLive article cites Bliss saying she is proud of getting a Food Truck ordinance, economic development around Medical Mile and getting the insurance company, Acrisure, to move to Grand Rapids. The question we should ask here is how are any of these three things creating more racial equity in the City of Grand Rapids?
Living in a Safe Community
The last area mentioned in the MLive article has to do with public safety and strengthening relations between the police and the community. Bliss again is cited as saying that she commended the GRPD for establishing its youth-interaction policy in 2018 and foreign nationals policy in 2019. Here, the question should be asked whether or not either policy has led to less police abuse of children of color or of undocumented immigrants? Again, no evidence is provided to support these policy changes or whether or not black and brown communities feel safe with the police in their neighborhoods. This is where having other voices would not only be useful, but critical for actually being able to determine if any change has been made that the public can identify.
This MLive article falls short in so many ways. It fails to include real data or evidence to support any of the claims made by the Mayor. The article does not include other voices, which would provide a greater perspective on what has or hasn’t been accomplished in Grand Rapids over the past 4 years. Lastly, those most impacted by the housing crisis, racial inequity or police abuse are not included in the article. In fact, one could argue that these perspectives are equally or even more important than what the Mayor thinks, since these are the people who have actually experienced harm because of the larger structural issues of housing instability, racial inequity and police abuse. Maybe the City should invest in getting input from the entire community on these matters. Until then, its all political speak and doesn’t mean anything to people who are being displaced, who are homeless, who are experiencing poverty and who have little or no trust in law enforcement in this city. How would you grade the City of Grand Rapids on these matters???
(Note: On Tuesday, March 3, the Grand Rapids Mayor gave her annual State of the City speech at a private venue to an invite only crowd. I’ll bet that those who are homeless, experiencing housing instability, those experiencing poverty or living in fear of the GRPD were not on the invite list.)
Last night, Grand Rapids for Education Justice (GREJ) brought forth the three demands for the Grand Rapids Public Schools, which were laid out a month ago. The three demands are:
- An increase in teacher salaries
- An end to the two-tiered system in the GRPS, a system which disproportionate impacts students experiencing poverty and students of color
- An end to all privatization of GRPS services
However, since public comment is the last thing on the agenda, people had to wait to address these demands.
The Board meeting began with a recognition of students who were winners in a Martin Luther King Jr. essay contest, sponsored by the law firm of Warner, Norcross & Judd, a law firm that practices business law and is involved in many conservative efforts across the state. Many of the students who participated in the essay contest were recognized and the top three student essays were read by the students who wrote them. The irony of what these students were saying is that it mirrored some of the same aspects of the 3 demands that GREJ had addressed during public comment. In fact, it seemed that these students had laid the ground work for what the GREJ was demanding, especially the demand to end the two-tiered education system within the GRPS.
When it was finally time for public comment, several GREJ members and supporters got up to speak. In fact, GREJ supporters were the only people who spoke during public comment. While GREJ members were speaking, those in the audience held up signs reflecting the three demands.
The first person addressed the issue of teacher salary, which the person said was ridiculously low. She also said that the GRPS needs to talk with teachers more directly about what their financial needs really are and what their true value is to this district.
Martha Cooper also addressed teacher salaries, but spent more time talking about the two-tiered system and how it impacts students and parents along racial lines and class lines. She ended her comments by pounding on the table, demonstrating her passion and anger at the lack of equity and justice within the GRPS.
Rich Fink brought up the equity audit that was part of the board of education’s agenda. Rich’s own research pointed out that the scores between the themed schools and the more traditional schools, with theme school students scoring higher. Black and latinx students and those living in poverty have much lower scores, thus emphasizing the inequity of the two-tiered system.
The next person who spoke was asking about the differences between public, charter and themed schools. In addition, she raised issues around privatization, which is one of the demands that GREJ brought forth last night.
Tony Jacobs then addressed the GREJ demands and said that he felt that the students who read their essays were amazing and he wanted to acknowledge their passion. As a parent of a student within the GRPS, he particularly wanted to address teacher salaries. He told the story of how his daughter sat through an entire year had no gym class, with no teacher and students were forced to sit in the room and not received the physical education they deserved.
Jack Prince addressed the theme of equity, especially since the board of education addressed it numerous times in their agenda. He made the point that teachers need to get better pay, that students deserve equal treatment and should not be subjected to the two-tiered system. Jack really hit hard the issue of privatization. He mentioned that the school district has a long history of privatization, including the buses, custodians and school curriculum. He said that the privatization of public school services was inexcusable and that it contributed significantly to the two-tiered system.
Kyle Lim also addressed the two-tiered system with GRPS. He acknowledged the students essays that were read earlier as well. In fact, while he was listening to them he looked up the racial makeup of the schools these students represented in the essay contest and discovered that these students were primarily from theme schools. He pointed out that all three of the winners were white students and asked why students of color were not afforded the same opportunities as white students. Kyle also addressed the academy schools, the ones that provide training in tourism and other areas, which seem to only lead to low paying job opportunities.
Ann Collins Swisher, a former teacher within the GRPS, focused primarily on increased teacher salaries, which, she believed, would address the other two demands. She urged the board to fight like hell at the state level to get every dollar they could to pay teachers a better salary and to provide the necessary resources to get the best education possible for every student in the district.
Malik, a GVSU student, shared his story about growing up in a two-tiered education system on the east side of the state and how it limits student opportunities to explore new possibilities that a well grounded education can provide.
At the end of the night, none of the GRPS Board members addressed any of the three demands presented by GREJ. One board member did say, “they were listening,” even though it certainly didn’t seem like that was the case. Lastly, none of the local news agencies were in attendance, thus conveniently not having to report on the growing movement confronting the GRPS.
GRIID – With the recent statement on AmplifyGR, why did TWAS feel it was important to make such a statement?
TWAS: AmplifyGR recently received preliminary approval for their Phase I plans by the City Planning Commission. Yet at the hearing we heard from so many in the community that had real concerns and that felt that things were going too fast. Our neighbors, our friends hadn’t been able to attend community engagement meetings – either they hadn’t heard about them or they hadn’t been able to attend, or it already felt like it was not for them.
We also feel there’s a huge difference between managed, facilitated “community engagement” as opposed to deep community conversation that arises in an organic way. We noticed a disconnect from what we had heard in 2017. In 2017, even folks at AmplifyGR said they were considering putting the land in trust and letting the community decide the plans. At the very least, as many of us in the community said back then, we wanted signed Community Benefits Agreements (CBAs) that we could hold them to, contracts that would outline things like:
- rent control,
- jobs and businesses going to the community,
- true living wages ($15 an hour isn’t enough in this housing market),
- collective management of some assets – the community growing together.
We haven’t heard anything more about those.
We also noticed there were some respectability politics at play – we heard representatives of churches, non-profits, businesses, and homeowners speak in support of AmplifyGR. These folks are great; they’re important voices in the community. But it’s the folks who are even more marginalized – like some of us who are renting, or are underemployed, or are living with chronic illness, or our existence has been criminalized in some way so either we have a record or a family member who is incarcerated – we didn’t feel like we were hearing enough from those of us.
In fact, some of the homeowners we were talking to were wanting “the criminal element” out of their neighborhood. We felt like if the community was having a deeper and more inclusive community conversation, and really talking to everybody, that would be a different conversation – it would have to be because people experiencing incarceration would be more involved.
So it seemed important to point all that out, while there’s still time in the narrative to make more space for it, before it goes to the City Commission.
GRIID – You mention towards the end of the statement on AmplifyGR that your group is wanting to form a Tenant Union in the Greater Grand Rapids area. Why did you choose to announce a tenant union attached to a response about AmplifyGR?
TWAS: Renters make up a third of the population of Boston Square, and almost half of the population of Grand Rapids as a whole. We realized that in order for us to hear from more of us who don’t have access to property ownership, for whatever reason, we needed to be intentional about making space for our stories, and making space for our organizing.
We believe it’s really important to have a tenants union because our communities deserve a voice for the people, created by the people, and with the best interest of the community in mind.
GRIID – Is the announcement about a tenant union connected to the increased levels of gentrification we are seeing in this community? If so, how do you think a tenant union will act as a counter to some of the effects of gentrification and housing insecurity?
TWAS: Absolutely, yes. One of the most frequent concerns we heard at the City Planning Commission Hearing was about gentrification, and it makes sense. If the plans go through and AmplifyGR sells those renovated spaces, even if they guarantee jobs to the people in the neighborhood, property values and taxes will rise, and so will rents. If the jobs are paying $15 an hour it’s not going to cover increased rents – you can see it coming, that people will get pushed out again.
If we make space for renters to share their stories and to hear each other – how we’ve been pushed out of our neighborhoods by so-called “urban renewal” and rising rents – then we make space to organize for something better. We are setting up a framework that encourages the deep organic conversations that we are longing to hear.
GRIID – What kind of power could a tenant union have that is different than the approaches that all of the other housing rights groups are working on in this community?
TWAS: We can take care of each other so we’re not alone. Because we will be led by renters, for renters, we would do things in a way that reflects our needs.
For instance, the places we can afford to stay now, in neighborhoods that aren’t yet gentrified, are often in bad repair. But if we work together, we have collective power. Then nobody has to go through it alone. If a person needs repairs on their place, a bunch of us can call the landlord, and we can help them report a landlord who is trying to evict them based on their request for repairs (because that happens a lot).
We’re not as interested in talking to the City Commission – lots of people do that already, so we feel like that need is filled. It’s become “business as usual” to have folks like us on the brink of losing our housing again and again, and we want to disrupt that by using our power together.
So our unique focus is on taking care of each other, claiming our power in numbers, and getting results when it comes to property maintenance, keeping our rents down, and anti-eviction measures.
Together We Are Safe will be announcing their first tenant union meeting soon, so check their Facebook page at https://www.facebook.com/TWASforMLK/.
History of US recruitment of Nazi’s and anti-Semitism explored in the TV series Hunters
I just finished the TV series called Hunters, which features a group of people in the US who hunt down Nazis in the late 1970s.
The show centers around the lived experience of several Jewish characters, most of which survived the Nazi Holocaust. The show goes back and forth between telling the story of Jews in the neath camps and then back to the 1970s in New York City.
I found the story to be well written and the trauma of those who survived the death camps to be presented in a very thoughtful way. However, since I am not Jewish, I think it is important to hear from the Jewish community about how they felt about the series and its depiction of what took place in the Nazi death camps, along with the show’s treatment of several Jewish ceremonies.
What I think is important to address is the fact that this was a show, one of the rare shows in US TV history, to acknowledge, and to some degree, explore the US recruitment of Nazis after WWII, also known as Operation Paperclip.
The relationship between the US power structure and Nazi Germany is rather complex. Most of us are taught that the US took an anti-fascist position during WWII, but that is not the whole story.
After the end of WWI, there were numerous US businesses, law firms and financial institutions that assisted Germany with rebuilding. Many of these businesses invested directly with businesses that would then be an integral part of the Nazi war machine, like IG Farben. This history is explored in Christopher Simpson’s powerful book, The Splendid Blonde Beast: Money, Law, and Genocide in the Twentieth Century.
Even after WWII had begun, many US businesses continued to have deep relationships with Nazi Germany, including the Ford Motor Company, General Motors and IBM. These relationships are explored in two excellent books, Nazi Nexus: America’s Corporate Connection to Hitler’s Holocaust (Edwin Black) and Trading With the Enemy, The Nazi-American Money Plot 1933 – 1949 ( Charles Higham).
This historical context is important and is what leads to Operation Paperclip. The US recruited thousands of Nazis scientists, engineers and policy planners as WWII was coming to a close. These Nazis were legally brought to the US to work with NASA and the US military as US foreign policy began to shift to primarily an anti-Communist position during the Cold War.
There were several high ranking Nazi military personnel that were recruited by the US, like General Reinhard Gehlen, specifically because Gehlen had intimate knowledge of the Soviet military. This history is explored in Mary Ellen Reese’s book, General Reinhard Gehlen: The CIA Connection.
Another important book that explores the US recruitment of Nazis after WWII, is Christopher Simpson’s, Blowback: The First Full Account of America’s Recruitment of Nazis, and Its Disastrous Effect on Our Domestic and Foreign Policy (1988).
The most recent exploration of the US recruitment of Nazis after WWII, can be found in Annie Jacobsen’s book, Operation Paperclip: The Secret Intelligence Program That Brought Nazi Scientists to America (2014). Jacobsen’s book builds on the work of Christopher Simpson, especially since there have been more declassified documents released and a collection of dossiers discovered in government archives at Harvard University.
There is an excellent scene in one of the episodes of Hunters, where US policymakers are having a discussion about Operation Paperclip, with a variety of justifications for why the US needed to recruit Nazis. This dramatic depiction is a fairly accurate as far as the actual reasons that were given for the US recruitment of Nazis.
Lastly, while the show deals with WWII and the 1970s in the US, it is important that we come to terms with the fact that anti-Semitism continues to be part of the US power structure and US dominant culture. This reality is depicted in Hunters, but it is vitally important that all of us look at how anti-Semitism is normalized in our lives and the institutions that we come into contact with on a daily basis.
The Educational Network of Greater Grand Rapids is another front group for the DeVos family’s commitment to a Neo-Liberal Education model
Has anyone ever heard of a group called the Educational Network of Greater Grand Rapids, as known as EDNET?
The Educational Network of Greater Grand Rapids has only been around since 2017 and states that their purpose is to, “support teachers and administrators in providing excellent and equitable educational experiences for all children in Grand Rapids, Kentwood, and Wyoming.”
The mission statement sounds nice and all, but are the school districts themselves supposed to provide the necessary support to teachers and administrators?
Upon further examination of EDNET, their website states that this project is an initiative of the Doug and Maria DeVos Foundation. Notice that it doesn’t say that EDNET is funded by the Doug & Maria DeVos Foundation, but is an initiative of the Doug & Maria DeVos Foundation.
This certainly made me suspicious when I read who was behind the organization. Upon further investigation I read the following:
We partner with nationally acclaimed organizations to bring new insights, strategies, and resources to urban educators and administrators in public, private, and charter schools here in West Michigan. And we connect schools across districts to facilitate the sharing of transformative thinking and resources.
Ok, so what nationally acclaimed organizations does EDNET partner with? There are three national organizations that EDNET partners with:
- Leading Educators
- West Michigan Leadership Academy
- New Teacher Center
Leading Educators says that they began in 2008 in New Orleans, after Hurricane Katrina. Their website doesn’t talk about what exactly they did during that time period, but numerous writers have documented that the public school system in New Orleans was dismantled and has been replaced primarily by Charter Schools. (See Naomi Klein’s The Shock Doctrine)
Leading Educators works with 8 cities across the country, including Grand Rapids. Here is what they have to say about Grand Rapids:
With the support of the Doug & Maria DeVos Foundation, Leading Educators expanded to Greater Grand Rapids, Michigan, where the first cohort of principals and teacher leaders began training in the summer of 2017. Our approach is the backbone of an ambitious strategy to significantly increase academic achievement among economically-disadvantaged young people who attend the nearly 120 district, charter, and religious schools in the Greater Grand Rapids urban area. This work uses the greatest asset within Grand Rapids’ urban schools—experienced educators—by supporting up to 300 teacher leaders along with their principals and district administrators. This approach will provide approximately 2,400 classroom teachers with self-driven professional development opportunities, ultimately impacting 40,000 students.
In looking at who funds Leading Educators, you guessed it…..The Doug & Maria DeVos Foundation, listed with other Neo-Liberal Education funders such as the Bill & Melinda Gates Foundation and the Chan Zuckerberg Initiative.
The West Michigan Leadership Academy says that it, “works to build the capacity of school and system leaders in West Michigan to envision and enact the structures, systems, and practices necessary to realize equitable outcomes for all students.”
The West Michigan Leadership Academy is actually part of the NYC Leadership Academy, which just has a subsection on their website for the West Michigan Leadership Academy. One of the major funders listed for the NYC Leadership Academy is he Doug & Maria DeVos Foundation.
The third partner listed by the Educational Network of Greater Grand Rapids is the New Teacher Center. The work of the New Teacher Center sounds very similar to the other groups working with EDNET, stating:
NTC is dedicated to improving student learning by accelerating the effectiveness of teachers and school leaders. We build capacity within districts and district partners to drive student learning, teacher effectiveness, and teacher and leadership development. We do this by providing PreK-12 teachers and school leaders with the skills and supports needed to create optimal learning environments that accelerate students’ academic and social emotional success.
The New Teacher Center also does policy work, particularly at the state level. In 2018, they received a $12.8 million grant from the Department of Education, and while the Doug & Maria DeVos Foundation is not listed as one of their funders, some of the same ideologically-driven foundations are major donors.
What the Education Network of Greater Grand Rapids means to this writer is that it exists as an entity that was started by the Doug & Maria DeVos Foundation, partners with other national groups that are either funded by the Doug & Maria DeVos Foundation or other rich people who share the same commitment as DeVos, to the Neo-Liberal Education model. If you or someone you know is involved in the Educational Network of Greater Grand Rapids, you might want to ask them exactly why they are participating in a project for teachers that was started by a family that has consistently been opposed to public education and has provided millions of dollars to candidates who can alter state policies on education, particularly in Michigan.




