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Efforts to defund the GRPD Timeline and the upcoming 2023 Grand Rapids City Budget

May 8, 2022

The City of Grand Rapids will be discussing and voting on the proposed 2023 Budget in the coming days and weeks, beginning on May 10. There is already a proposed budget, with specific funding allocations already laid out by City Manager Mark Washington on May 3rd.

This process has been highly questionable, in regards to authentic public input, as the community has experienced, specifically with calls for a reduction in the funding for the Grand Rapids Police Department. 

We thought it would be useful to provide a timeline of the work of the group Defund the GRPD, along with other articles that GRIID has posted since June of 2020, when the initial calls for Defunding the GRPD began in response to the national and Grand Rapids uprising against the police killing of George Floyd in late May of 2020. 

June 2, 2020 – We wrote a piece about why there needs to be a Defund the GRPD movement in Grand Rapids, where we talked about the City Budget and brief timeline since 2016 of GRPD actions against Black and Brown residents.

June 9, 2020 – On this date we wrote a piece that provided information on which Grand Rapids-based candidates – City Commissioners, County Commissioners, those running for County Prosecutor, judicial seats and state offices – had received funding from the Grand Rapids Police Officer’s Association PAC. We also stated that a Defunding movement would call for people to not vote for those who took police union funding.

June 11, 2020 – We wrote an article looking at the $54 million annual budget for the GRPD and how that money could be used to benefit the Black community in Grand Rapids, in what the Vision for Black Lives refers to as a divest/invest strategy.

June 15, 2020 – On this date we wrote about what to would look like to not have the GRPD. We looked at numerous resources and examples of community safety that did not rely on cops.

June 16, 2020 – The Movement for Black Lives has recently created a wonderful toolkit for communities that are considering a campaign to defund their police. This toolkit is a great resource and needs to be read by everyone before they make their own declarations about what defunding the police really means.

June 17, 2020 – On this date we wrote a piece about how the City of Grand Rapids changed the City Charter to institutionalize the 32% of the budget funding for the GRPD, which took place in 1995.

June 18, 2020 – The Grand Rapids Police Officer’s Association releases a statement opposing any defunding of the police department.

June 26, 2020 – Defund the GRPD held its first Press Conference, where they announced clear demands for defunding the Grand Rapids Police Department.

July 8, 2020 – After weeks of pressure from community groups to Defund the GRPD, 3 City Commissioners were set to propose defunding the GRPD to the 32% City Charter mandated minimum. However, the City Manager and the City Attorney stepped in and prevent such a vote, making the claim that the City Commission did not have the legal authority to do so. City Manager Mark Washington did say that they would revisit possible reduction in GRPD funding later that year.

July 13, 2020 – The local news media acts as a conduit for the GRPD, by calling actions of local activists calling for the GRPD to be defunded as “vandals.”  

July 29. 2020 – The City of Grand Rapids announced that there would be a new Strategic Plan for the GRPD in August, but the announcement made it clear that there is no way for the GRPD to reduce their funding, using recent gun violence as the main justification.

August 10, 2020 – New GRPD Strategic Plan placates those unaffected by police violence and ignores those calling for defunding.

September 24, 2020 – GRPD planned for another riot during a protest to honor Breonna Taylor in Grand Rapids.

November 17, 2020 – Defund the GRPD and other community groups stopped the efforts of the City of Grand Rapids to use Cares Act funding from Kent County to purchase ShotSpotter technology that the GRPD wanted.

December 2, 2020 – A member of the Grand Rapids Power Structure sends the City Commission a letter to oppose any defunding of the GRPD.

December 27 & 30, 2020 – The GRPD police union and supporters increased their efforts to oppose any sort of defunding of the GRPD, making it clear that the efforts of Defund the GRPD were a threat to their institutionalized power.

During the later part of 2020 and the beginning of 2021, Defund the GRPD was also doing work that was less known, such as:

  • Creating refrigerator magnets that had resources for people to call other than the GRPD
  • Hosting a children’s book giveaway, featuring children’s book by African American authors
  • Hosting a Best of the Worst campaign, where people were submitting names of people and organizations that embodied the worst landlord, White Saviorism, worst business, etc. 
  • All of these efforts were not only a way for Defund the GRPD to practice imagining alternatives to policing, but they were mechanisms to build capacity for future work.

February 24, 2021 – GRPD Strategic Plan revisions claim that Grand Rapids, “will become the safest mid-sized city and most trusted police department in the United States.”

March 9, 2021 – Justice for Black Lives activists were targeted and arrested by the GRPD during a protest, showing how the GRPD engages in selective enforcement of local ordinances.

March 31, 2021 – GRPD rolls out their Operation Safe Neighborhood plan, which involved the use of helicopters terrorizing people in mostly Black and Brown neighborhoods. This so-called community policing approach, is nothing more than a re-packaging of what the GRPD has done for decades.

April 6, 2021 – Local news media talk to GR City Commissioners about the police budget, where they all pretty much oppose any defunding of the GRPD. 

April 20, 2021 – Grand Rapids City Officials and the GRPD release a memo, which essentially threatens people who protest the upcoming Derrick Chauvin trial.

April 27, 2021 – Grand Rapids Police Officer’s Association says that the recent viral video of GRPD cops repeatedly punching a black motorists, is simply “fanning the flames of national outrage.

May 3, 2021 – Grand Rapids City Officials hold a 1 hour visual town hall to talk about the 2022 City Budget, which included the budget for the GRPD.

May 9, 2021 – GRPD arrests the wrong Black man who was on the way to a family funeral, but was charged with resisting arrest.

May 19, 2021 – City Commission hearing on 2022 Budget once again demonstrated how much contempt they have for public input, especially input that challenges their power.

Defund the GRPD did a lot of organizing around the 2022 City Budget proposal, which involved education on the budget, mobilizing people to come to the public hearing on the budget, sending electronic messages to Grand Rapids City Officials, organizing a demonstration with Justice for Black Lives to draw attention to continued police repression in Grand Rapids, and putting out their own list of demands for the 2022 Grand Rapids City Budget.

We are only including the efforts that were put forth to defund the GRPD up to the 2022 Budget discussion/meetings in May of 2021. There has obviously been more that has transpired in the past year, culminating in the GRPD killing of Patrick Lyoya, but the point of this post was to show how much had been done before last year’s City Budget vote and the push back from City Officials and the GRPD. 

Half of the GRPD FOIA documents are redacted, others reveal that the police viewed Patrick Lyoya as dangerous even after he was shot

May 5, 2022

Recently, WOOD TV 8 sent a FOIA request to the Grand Rapids Police Department, which they ran as a story on April 29, with links to the 4 separate FOIA documents.

Some of the information channel 8 chose to include was useful, but they also missed the opportunity to present other information from the FOIA documents. In addition, channel 8 was very careful not to report on the GRPD through a critical lens.

We have also included these 4 FOIA documents from the GRPD, will provide some critical analysis and include some of the content that is not favorable to the GRPD. 

WARNING – SOME OF THIS CONTENT MIGHT BE TRIGGERING OR TRAUMATIC

The first FOIA document is essentially all of the pictures that the GRPD took of the police officer who shot and killed Patrick Lyoya, Christopher Schurr. Most of the items listed, which were photographed, were weapons and other items that Officer Schurr had on his possession that day.

The second FOIA document provides the names and badge numbers of the officers involved, along with the Call Narrative, beginning at 8:11AM through 1:49PM. There were a few lines redacted in this document.

The third FOIA document is exclusively about the “use of force”, which has 99% of the information redacted. The information redacted includes the number of “use of force applications”, the “effectiveness of force”, injuries incurred by “the subject”, the control point target areas, and the officer’s narrative, all of which are redacted.

It is significant that 99% of the information in document 3 is redacted, for the following reasons. First, we do not know the number of “use of force” applications, which would reveal how many times Patrick Lyoya was hit, kicked, tackled, tased and shot. Second, we don’t get to see how the cop determined the “effectiveness” of each application of the use of force. Third, we do not learn where the cop hit, kicked, tased or shot Patrick Lyoya, which prevents us from knowing the scope of the harm done to him. Lastly, we do not get to read the police officer’s narrative about the use of force, which would reveal how Officer Schurr recounted the harm he inflicted on Patrick Lyoya.

The fourth FOIA document (18 pages long) provides a narrative of each GRPD officer involved. Part of Officer Johnston is very revealing, in terms of how police see members of the public. Here is part of what he wrote:

I arrived onscene and saw Officer Schurr taking cover behind a tree on the parkway which was about 20 feet south of the location of his cruiser. I observed one male lying face down in the front yard of 17 Nelson Ave SE. The man’s hand was concealed underneath his body near his waist possibly concealing a weapon. I did not know if the suspect had shot at Officer Schurr, but Officer Schurr had stated that he was “10-4” just before I arrived. 

I then approached the downed man while other Officers maintained lethal force coverage while moving up with me. As we approached I observed a black angular object partially visible under the suspect’s left hip and initially thought it was the grip of a handgun, but as I got close enough to grab onto him I then was able to distinguish that it was Officer Schurr’s Body Camera that had apparently been dislodged during the struggle. I rolled the subject over, rolling him to the west and onto his back. I observed that Officer Schurr’s Taser was lying undrneath the suspect where his hand had been and also Officer Schurr’s Body Worn Camera, which was still recording. The Taser had been deployed and the wires and probes were on the ground. The man had blood coming from his nose and I could also see blood on the shoulder area of his sweater.

The tone of this narrative demonstrates the cold and calculated way that cops describe events and how they see people as “suspects.” The narratives also make it clear that the GRPD involved, especially Officer Schurr, believed he was following “proper procedure.” However, from a civilian point of view, this information should not be redacted and the public should be able to read all of the information in the case that doesn’t put witnesses at risk. Making this information public would not change how the police or the legal system will proceed in making their determinations or legal decisions. If the public was exposed to all of the this information, it would certainly increase the amount of public opposition in this case, and rightfully so. If the police and the legal system fear the “court of public opinion,” then that says more about how the system fears the public, especially a a fully informed public. #Justice4Patrick

Updating the DeVos Family Reader: Monitoring the most powerful family in West Michigan

May 4, 2022

In Howard Zinn’s monumental book, A People’s History of the United States, he constantly juxtaposes the amazing things that people did to fight for liberation and the people behind the systems of oppression that social movements were fighting against.

This is exactly why I have spent years monitoring, investigating and critiquing the DeVos Family. They are the most recognizable and powerful manifestation of the systems of power and oppression in West Michigan. Now, I know there are plenty of people who share the belief that without the DeVos Family, Grand Rapids wouldn’t be where it is today. I fully agree with that belief, but for reasons that are the exact opposite of those who hold the most powerful family in West Michigan in high regard.

Twice a year we try to update our DeVos Family Reader, a collection of articles that looks at the family’s history, the influence on election & public policy, their foundations, how they are reported on in the news media, ArtPrize and the section entitled Betsy DeVos Watch.

This updated version of the DeVos Family Reader includes information and analysis on the Betsy DeVos-led effort known as Let Michigan Kids Read, the new Doug DeVos podcast called beLIEve, Always decision to pull their operations out of Ukraine and Russia, coverage of the DeVos-led 14,000 downtown Amphitheater project, plus several stories on campaign contributions at the State level. 

The DeVos Family Reader continues to grow and with the most recent update it is roughly 650 pages long. The articles below are in chronological order, beginning with November 7, 2021.

In anticipation of Whitmer veto, Michigan GOP has begun a petition campaign to allow the use of public money for private and religious education

DeVos created/connected groups are criticizing the number of public schools that are not going back to in person learning due to the COVID virus

Betsy DeVos moderates panel of carefully selected people to promote the Let MI Kids Learn Ballot Initiative

The money behind the candidates in Michigan – Part III: DeVos-funded candidates

Connecting the dots on the School Choice Week event and the DeVos family obsession with destroying Public Education

Always Follow the Damn Money: How the Grand Rapids Power Structure looks out for their own economic interests

Like his father, Doug DeVos wants us all to just Believe: A member of the Grand Rapids Power Structure and his Podcast

Amway announcement to pause operations in Russia is really their way of throwing a tantrum for not being able to continue to peddle their soap and vitamins

The City of Grand Rapids unanimously approved the new $116M land purchase for Amphitheater project: Why those who run the City always get what they want

DeVos family has contributed nearly half a million to DeSantis, making them complicit in the Don’t Say Gay bill

Campaign Finances for West Michigan Congressional Races: How the DeVos family and other members of the Grand Rapids Power Structure keep buying candidates and influencing public policy

May 3rd Special Election for 74th District Seat, again features a candidate that has received thousands from the DeVos family

Despite the local news headlines, the GRPD will NOT be reducing the number of cops in the proposed 2023 City Budget

May 3, 2022

Earlier today, some of the headlines read, Co-response team with police, mental health workers part of Grand Rapids budget, Grand Rapids budget allocating additional funding to OPA; GRPD funding decreased, and Budget shifts some GRPD money to Oversight, other offices. 

Some might suggest, as several of the Grand Rapids-based news agencies do, that the so-called reduction in funding for the GRPD is a direct result of the GRPD killing of Patrick Lyoya, which happened exactly one month ago. However, people who are doing boots on the ground organizing and resistance to GRPD practices are not buying any of it.

What the City of Grand Rapids is doing is playing chess with the proposed 2023 budget, by moving a measly $130,000 from the GRPD to other offices, such as the Office of Oversight and Public Accountability, which will be responsible for the police department’s body camera program. 

In addition, the GRPD will be increasing their partnership with mental health workers, which is a bad idea to have cops – who escalate situations, along with the fact that they are heavily armed and will use deadly force when they feel threatened. Having GRPD cops partner with social workers, mental health workers or with the unhoused community is not only a disastrous idea, it is simply a PR move to make us think that there is real change happening around policing in Grand Rapids. As the father of the Public Relations industry, Edward Bernays, once said – “The engineering of consent is the very essence of the democratic process, the freedom to persuade and suggest.”

In the channel 8 story, Police Chief Winstrom admitted that there will be no police cuts, including no reduction in police officers.  This means that the same number of cops will still be disproportionately patrolling in neighborhoods where there are higher levels of poverty, along with neighborhoods that are mostly Black and Latinx residents. 

The proposed 2023 Grand Rapids City Budget, particularly as it related to GRPD funding, is nothing more than a sick joke, a deception, and it is an insult to the memory of Patrick Lyoya. 

Mark Washington can attempt to play parlor games all he wants with public money, but we will resist it and call for a real Defunding of the GRPD with the reduced GRPD funds to go directly to Black and Brown communities, communities that are most affected by policing in Grand Rapids.

The City of Grand Rapids did send out a Press Release, which lists the schedule for the 2023 City Budget:

Tuesday, May 10    Budget Review Workshop (COW 10 a.m.)

Tuesday, May 10    Budget Review Workshop (1 p.m.)

Tuesday, May 17    City Commission Public Hearing (Budget and Fees) (7 p.m.)

Tuesday, May 24    Budget Discussion and Deliberation (COW 10 a.m.)

Tuesday, May 24    City Commission Adoption (7 p.m.)

This means they will decide in three weeks how to spend our collective money, with only one public hearing on May 17th. Again, this process is a cruel joke that needs to be resisted by any means necessary. It is worth noting that the group DeFund the GRPD made some clear demands last year during the very brief budget process, demands which are relevant for today, which you can read here.

May 3rd Special Election for 74th District Seat, again features a candidate that has received thousands from the DeVos family

May 3, 2022

There is a special election on Tuesday, to fill the seat previously held by Mark Huizenga, who is not a State Senator.

Robert Reagan had won the GOP primary, but after he has made some “controversial comments,” Mike Milanowski Jr. has decided to enter the race as a Republican write-in candidate.

Therefore, the May 3rd election for the 74th District seat is now between Reagan, Milanowski and Democrat Carol Glanville. Glanville, who is currently a Walker City Commissioner, doesn’t have much of a campaign platform, but she has raised a fair amount of money as of the most recent campaign finance data. Some of the larger campaign donors for Glanville are:

  • Julie Brixie Blue Wave Fund – $5,000
  • Michigan Education Association – $2,500
  • Karla Jurvetson (Physician from California) – $1,050

Robert Reagan has a more extensive issues list, although it is pretty clear that he embraces a Trump-like platform. In terms of fundraising, here are the top contributors, based on recent campaign finance data:

  • Robert Reagan (he has been his largest single contributor so far) – $1,849
  • Kristen Buff (Business Coach) – $1,000
  • Bonnie Burke (Designer) – $900
  • It is also worth mentioning that former State Represented Dave Agema, who was far right of even many Republicans at the time, contributed $250 to Reagan’s campaign.

Lastly, there is the write-in candidate Mike Milanowski Jr. Milanowski has no issues listed on his campaign page,  although there is some information on his Facebook candidacy page. Milanowski has been endorsed by the Michigan Manufacturers Association. In terms of campaign finances, Milanowski has a fairly impressive list of West Michigan power brokers, considering he is a write-in candidate. Here is a list, based on data from the Michigan Secretary pf State:

  • Pamela DeVos – $1,000
  • Cheri DeVos – $1,000
  • Maria DeVos – $1,000
  • Steve Ehmann (RDV Corp.) – $1,000
  • Doug DeVos – $1,000
  • Betsy DeVos – $1,000
  • Dick DeVos – $1,000
  • Dan DeVos – $1,000
  • Friends of West Michigan Business PAC (GR Chamber of Commerce) – $1,000

Clearly, the DeVos family wants to see Milanowski win the 74th District seat, since they and one of their RDV Corp managers have collectively contributed $8,000. This provides Milanowski with funds to do online campaigning and mailers for today’s vote.

We don’t need to hear the opinions of people who are responsible for the death of Patrick Lyoya: WOODTV8 story should have centered the voices of the African Diaspora Community

May 2, 2022

Yesterday, the group, A Glimpse of Africa, hosted an event that was designed to allow people to collectively grieve the police killing of Patrick Lyoya. City Officials were invited by the group, but that doesn’t mean that news agencies should center their voices……which is exactly what WOODTV8 decided to do.

If you watch the story that WOODTV8 aired last night, the first voice you hear is that of Police Chief Eric Windstorm. The channel 8 newsreader then says: 

Several refugees and members of the African community also took the floor to share how they feel about the shooting. The conversation became tense at times.

Many said they’re disappointed to have this happen after escaping war-torn countries. They say there needs to be change in city and police policy.

“This could happen to any one of us. When I saw Patrick being shot in that video, I thought of myself. As a female, Black African immigrant, it could have been me. It could have been my friend, it could have been my brothers or sisters,” said Fridah Kahini, the founder of a Glimpse of Africa.

First, WOODTV8 should have led with the comment by Fridah Kahini, which would have rightly centered the voices of those in the African community. Second, viewers then should have heard from several other people from the African community that spoke yesterday, instead of the newsreader just telling us, “the conversation became tense at times.” Of course it was tense, because people are angry and afraid, which was beautifully conveyed by the co-founder of A Glimpse of Africa. Third, the text version of the story is even worse as it includes this comment from the newsreader: 

Bliss said there’s work the city has to do internally and with the community, but she’s confident they have already started that work.

Again, there is no need to center the voices of the people who are ultimately responsible for Patrick’s death, but the channel 8 reporter could have challenged the Mayor on her comments by asking how the city is committed to not allowing GRPD cops to murder residents in the future.

Ultimately, when City officials get invited to events like this, they need to keep quiet and really listen to the people who are most affected by the police murder of Patrick Lyoya. City officials need to recognize that they were invited specifically for the purpose of listening to what the African community had to say and to sit with their discomfort, not say ridiculous things that demonstrate their whiteness.

Grand Rapids Public Safety Committee adds a member of the Capitalist Class, thus creating a greater firewall against public opposition to policing in this city

May 1, 2022

A few weeks ago, we wrote about what one of the members of the Public Safety Committee had to say about the GRPD murder of Patrick Lyoya. Ed Kettle, who sits on the board of the Public Safety Committee, stated that the cop who shot Patrick Lyoya in the back of the head and killed him, was also a “victim.”

It has now come to our attention, that since the last Public Safety Committee meeting, which took place on April 26, that Marlin Feyen, co-owner and co-founder of the Grand Rapids company Feyen Zylstra, now sits on the Board of Directors of the Public Safety Committee.

The Public Safety Committee Board consists of nine members, 2 residents from each ward and one City Commissioner from each ward. Here is the current Public Safety Committee Board:

  • Commissioner Kurt Reppart
  • Commissioner Joe Jones
  • Commissioner Nathaniel Moody
  • Christine Cameron – 3rd Ward
  • Marlin Feyen – 2nd Ward
  • Ed Kettle – 1st Ward
  • Kyle Lim – 1st Ward
  • 2 vacancies

This means that apart from the 3 City Commissioners, there are three White Board members and 1 Asian American. Christine Cameron is a lawyer and former director of Silent Observer, which has a close relationship with the GRPD, thus pro-cop. Ed Kettle, as we reported, is pro-cop. Kyle Lim, who works with the Urban Core Collective, has demonstrated that he asks critical questions about the GRPD, accountability and transparency. Now, Marlin Feyen, a member of the Capitalist Class, has joined the group.

It is hard to known where Feyen stands on policing in Grand Rapids, on the GRPD murder of Patrick Lyoya and GRPD funding, but we do know that he was appointed by Commissioner Joe Jones. It is also important to note, that in 2017 2nd Ward City Commissioner race, which Jones won, that Feyen contributed $250 to Jones’ campaign. Therefore, it would be reasonable to ask the question of whether or not Jones appointed Feyen to the Public Safety Committee because of his campaign contribution. It is fairly common for larger campaign contributors to then be appointed to political positions at the federal, state and local level. 

In addition, another major factor in considering the social, economic and political position of someone like Marlin Feyen, who is a member of the Capitalist Class in Grand Rapids, that he would likely support a fully funded Grand Rapids Police Department. Members of the Capitalist Class like it when the state provides economic subsidies, such as the $250,000 federal funding for the new Feyen Zylstra innovation center in Walker, MI, but they also like police intervention to not only protect their economic interests, but to maintain social order, which is essential to Capitalist growth. 

Therefore, the Public Safety Committee is fairly stacked in favor of pro-police residents, who would not be supportive of greater scrutiny of the GRPD, nor would they likely support any defunding of the Grand Rapids Police Department. This not only demonstrates the kind of political pandering that has plagued Grand Rapids, it demonstrates how systems of power protect themselves from further public scrutiny. 

Body Cameras did not prevent Patrick Lyoya from being killed and Body Camera Training legislation will not keep any of us safe

April 29, 2022

Yesterday, Michigan Rep. Brenda L. Lawrence introduced legislation called the Officers Accountability Training and Honesty (OATH) Act of 2022.

Some may remember Representative Lawrence from the funeral of Patrick Lyoya, which she attended and spoke at. For me, her presence was performative, since she never mentions that Patrick was shot by a cop, that Patrick was shot in the back of the head, plus she never used the word police or the GRPD in her nearly 3 minutes of commentary.

The legislation put forth by Rep. Lawrence states:

In this Act, the term ‘‘body-worn camera continuous training program’’ means a training program carried out by a law enforcement agency, on an ongoing basis, that includes a supervisor conducting a review of a law enforcement officer’s body-worn camera footage with that law enforcement officer, in order to improve policing, including community relations with law enforcement.

Like so many so called police reforms, this bill would give cops more money to conduct their own body camera training program for the supposed purpose of improving policing and relations with the public.

Does anyone else feel like this is just a disgusting way to continue to fund police departments, with the hope that people will somehow think that body cameras will make us safer? Body cameras are a relatively new technology that was the result of numerous Black people being murdered by cops, specifically after Michael Brown was murdered by a cop in Ferguson, Missouri in 2014. The result of this quick fix was the Obama Administration’s decision to provide $23 Million for Police Departments across the US in 2015. Once again, police reforms mean more money for cops.

However, in our haste to embrace body cameras we failed to ask the most important question……will they keep us safe? In a 2021 article written by the ACLU, there is no conclusive evidence that body cameras will indeed reduced police use of force against civilians. The ACLU article did say:

Body cameras and the footage collected by them pose immense privacy risks to individuals and communities, especially because there is often no transparency or accountability around how the data collected are used, maintained, or shared with third parties, including companies and other law and immigration enforcement agencies.

A more abolitionist analysis is needed on body cameras and the institution of policing. An excellent piece written in 2017 for Crimethinc, entitled, Cameras Everywhere, Safety Nowhere: Why Police Body Cameras Won’t Make Us Safer, is worth citing here at length.

Advocates of police-worn body cameras, as well as advocates of bystanders filming the police, constantly claim that cameras act as equalizers between police and people, that they are tools for accountability. But there is very little evidence to support this. Many assume visibility will bring accountability—but what does accountability even look like when it comes to police violence? If charges are all that police reformers would demand, where do they go when those charges end in verdicts of innocence or mistrial, as they almost inevitably do? Do they just go home and revel in the process of the justice system? Or are there other options situated outside official channels? The reality is that we don’t have a visibility problem but a political problem. The only “accountability” we see seems to be in occasional monetary settlements (paid by taxpayers). These settlements don’t hold officers accountable, or prevent future assaults and murders. 

Though initially hesitant to adopt body cameras, police departments and officers quickly changed their tune as they realized that cameras benefit them far more than they benefit the general public under surveillance. We now have 4000 police departments in the US that employ body cameras, including the two largest, Chicago PD and NYPD, no strangers to inflicting violence on people and getting away with it. The largest marketer of officer-worn body cams, the leader in a $1 billion per year industry, is Taser Inc. After creating their namesake product, which was used to kill at least 500 people between 2001 and 2012, Taser started adding cameras to their stun guns in 2006, and introduced the body-worn camera in 2008. Since this introduction, their stock value has risen ten times higher. 

While the prevalence of videos documenting murders by police has certainly risen with the popularity of video-equipped cellphones, we have yet to see a rise in “accountability.” More cops aren’t being charged with murder, more cops aren’t being convicted of murder, and numbers of murders by police aren’t going down. Eric Garner’s murder at the hands of NYPD Officer Daniel Pantaleo was documented by a bystander, but this video didn’t save Garner’s life or lead to any accountability for Pantaleo (though he was later docked two vacation days for an illegal stop-and-frisk that occurred two years before he killed Garner). 

Those who advocate for police body cameras want to believe in accountability through official channels, and hope that visibility will protect us from the very real threat the increasingly militarized police present. Sadly, these tools haven’t worked, and are contributing to more broad forms of surveillance that affect all of us. We don’t need more thorough information about what the police are doing. We need to stop them from doing what they do. We’re not looking for transparency, or accountability. We’re looking for a world without police. We want to go beyond the demands for accountability, to build a world that not only doesn’t need police but is inhospitable to those who would police us.

Campaign Finances for West Michigan Congressional Races: How the DeVos family and other members of the Grand Rapids Power Structure keep buying candidates and influencing public policy

April 28, 2022

Campaign Finances for West Michigan Congressional Races: How the DeVos family and other members of the Grand Rapids Power Structure keep buying candidates and influencing public policy

The most recent deadline for Campaign Finance data was April 25th. Over the next week, we will be providing some information and analysis on how much money candidates are receiving and who the main contributors are.

West Michigan Congressional Races

With the new re-districting now in place, it is important to look at the 2nd, 3rd and 4th Congressional Districts, since they all fall under the geographic area known as West Michigan.

2nd Congressional District – There are three candidates running for the 2nd Congressional District, John Moolenaar (R), Jericho Gonzalez (R) and Ray Johnson (D). However, according to the Center for Responsive Politics, the only available campaign finance data is for John Moolenaar. 

In the current electoral cycle, Moolenaar has raised $1,420,664. The largest contributor so far is Dow Inc., which has contributed $95,888. There are other corporate donors, but some of the most notable are West Michigan-based companies such as:

  • RDV Corp – $14,100
  • Amway/Alticor – $9,800
  • DP Fox Ventures – $5,800
  • Windquest Group – $5,800
  • P DeVos Designs – $5,800

Of course, all 5 of these entities are owned by the DeVos family, thus making them the second largest contributor to Moolenaar after Dow Inc, with a total of $41,300.

3rd Congressional District – There are six candidates running for this seat, with Peter Meijer (R) (incumbent), Hillary Scholar (D), John Gibbs (R), Tom Norton (R), Audra Johnson (R) and Gabi Manolache (R). 

The most recent campaign finance date shows that Meijer is far ahead of everyone else in terms of money, with $2,137,150, followed by Scholten with $487,841, Gibbs with $227,502, Norton with $209,809, Johnson with $41,275 and Manolache with just $6,814. However the only detailed campaign contribution information listed on OpenSecrets.org is for Peter Meijer.

A large percentage of the contributions to Peter Meijer are from West Michigan, such as:

  • Meijer Inc – $32,002
  • RDV Corp – $31,900
  • Bissell Inc. – $17,400
  • Amway/Alticor Inc.  – $16,600
  • Gordon Food Service – $11,600
  • Van Andel Institute – $11,600
  • Autocam Corp – $11,600
  • Hayworth Inc. – $8,299
  • 42 North Partners – $7,250
  • Michael Jandernoa – $5,800
  • Windquest Group – $5,800
  • Wolverine Gas & Oil – $5,800

4th Congressional District – There are six candidates running for this seat that have campaign finance date, all of which are Republicans – Bill Huizenga, Stephen Carra, Sherry O’Donnell, Ezra Scott, Jon Rocha and Gina Johnsen. 

Huizenga has raised three times more than the next candidate, with $1,667,751, followed by Carra with $417,666, O’Donnell with $159,834, Scott with $12,871, Rocha with $11,313 and Johnsen with $345.

The only detailed data is for the incumbent, Bill Huizenga, with numerous West Michigan contributors, such as:

  • Haworth Inc – $23,232
  • RDV Corp – $17,400
  • Windquest Group – $11,600
  • Meijer Inc. – $8,700
  • Amway/Alticor Inc. – $6,800
  • Pamela Roland/DeVos – $5,800
  • Van Andel Institute – $5,800
  • Huizenga Group – $5,600

What is instructive is that all of the contributors listed for the three Congressional Districts, are companies owned by the local power structure, such as DeVos, Meijer, Van Andel, Kennedy, Jandernoa, Huizenga and Haworth. However, the largest contributors are from the DeVos family, which comes to a total of $127,200 for the three Congressional Districts in West Michigan. This is consistent with what the DeVos family has been doing since the late 1970s, buying candidates and influencing public policy.

Movimiento Cosecha May Day March this Sunday: Six years of disrupting business as usual

April 28, 2022

This coming Sunday, beginning at noon on the corner of Division and 28th Street, the Immigrant Justice group, Movimiento Cosecha, will be hosting their 6th annual May 1st March in Grand Rapids. 

This year’s event is the first time there has been a march since 2019, since in 2020 the movement organized a car caravan and in 2021, Cosecha went to Washington, DC. You can find details about this year’s event at this link, so please help spread the word so the march can be big and loud.

At GRIID, we thought we would take a moment to celebrate the previous actions that have been done for May Day in Grand Rapids, actions which have not only brought out thousands to demand dignity, respect and permanent protection, but actions which have disrupted business as usual, since immigrants know all too well how their lives have been disrupted by US government policy and the ICE enforcement goons. 

May 1st 2017 Action – Movimiento Cosecha started their circle in 2017 and one of the first action they did was to organize a May 1st march from Garfield Park to downtown Grand Rapids. We wrote the following:

Those marching were mostly Latinos, Latinx, and indigenous people from Mexico, Central America and numerous Caribbean nations. Some proudly displayed flags from their country of origin, while other carried signs with demands to stop Separating Families because of the decades-long policy of deporting those without documentation. 

The march organizers did not obtain a permit, since they felt that it was their right to march for what they were demanding. The GRPD was frantic before the march, calling organizers and others connected to the movement, but no one was giving up any information. The GRPD decided to close down roads on their own to clear a path for the march, but the march organizers were clear in that they were providing enough protection for marchers on their own.

May 1st 2018 Action – The 2nd annual May Day march by Movimiento Cosecha, began in the southwest part of the city, at Roosevelt Park, marching down Grandville Avenue and ending up in downtown Grand Rapids. We wrote:

There were other beautiful moments during the march. First, when people didn’t comply with the GRPD route, it clearly showed people that police do not need to be obeyed, based on how animated people got when they changed their route.

Second, when the march was going under the 131 s-curve on Market Street, the echo provided a great opportunity for those marching to get even louder. The marchers stop for a few minutes to revel in their excitement.

Third, the march organizers who were talking through a sound system during the whole march, not only led chants, but provided important information about the realities that immigrant families face on a daily basis. They talked about the constant fear that the community lives in and how people are being detained and deported by ICE agents. Those leading the march also addressed the oppressive role that the GRPD plays in their struggle and made numerous comments at the exact same time that Police Chief Rahinsky was present on Grandville Avenue.

May 1st 2019 Action – The 3rd annual May Day march organized by Movimiento Cosecha GR, began again at Garfield Park. This time the GRPD was threatening to arrest people if they marched in the street. We wrote:

Despite the weather and despite the levels of state violence that the immigrant community has endured, there was no indication that those who were slowly gathering at Garfield Park would be anything but intimidated by the threats of arrest. Movimiento Cosecha GR organizers and volunteers did an amazing job preparing for this march, making connections with people and following the lead of those in the community who have told them over and over again that the ability to obtain a drivers license would be a huge win.

The insurgent hope that grew as we got closer to noon could be felt in the crowd that was gathering, it could be heard in the excitement in people’s voices as they began to chant and urge each other on in this struggle and it could felt in the deep affection and solidarity being exchanged in the embraces people gave each other.

2019 Addendum – Because the GRPD was so bent on arresting people if they marched in the streets, we decide to submit a FOIA request to see what the GRPD was doing prior to the 2019 march.

It should be stated that since Movimiento Cosecha GR and it’s ally group, GR Rapid Response to ICE, began organizing in early 2017, the GRPD has consistently engaged in surveillance, monitoring, harassment and intimidation tactics of this movement. On many occasions, when organizers engaged in specific actions, there were as many, and at times, more police officers present than there were those protesting.

In what follows, you will see that the GRPD spent a great deal of energy, resources and taxpayer money to monitor, harass and threaten a consistently non-violent movement for immigration justice.

The FOIA documents we obtained can be viewed at this link, with 271 pages of e-mail communication, text messages, photos, and other documents related to the 2019 May Day action that Cosecha GR had planned.

On pages 269 – 271, you can see the final cost of the FOIA request, which was $551.01. However, if one goes through the pages, it is clear that 90-95% of the documents were redacted by the GRPD. Here is the explanation they provide on the redaction:

Your request for these records is GRANTED in part and DENIED in part. Please be advised that information has been redacted from the documents under MCL 15.243(1)(a)(information of a personal nature release of which would constitute a clearly unwarranted invasion of an individual’s privacy) and MCL 15.243(1)(b)(iii) (law enforcement records release of which would constitute an unwarranted invasion of personal privacy). It is the City’s position that the public interest in the disclosure of this information is outweighed by the public interest in keeping this information private. The core purpose of the FOIA is to contribute significantly to public understanding of the operations or activities of the government. Requests for information that involve private citizens in government files that reveal little to nothing about the inner working of government do not serve the core purpose of the FOIA.

Apparently, the GRPD does not want the public to know what they did, and more importantly, how they operate. So much for transparency.

May 1st 2020 Action – Because we were in the midst of a pandemic, Cosecha organizers decided to do a car caravan and keep people safe. Here is what we wrote about that day:

Movimiento Cosecha GR was once again demanding driver’s licenses for all, but they also emphasized the fact that immigrant workers are essential workers, particularly migrant workers. Migrant workers do the back breaking work in the fields that puts food on all of our tables, work that is so essential, that without them the food system would collapse. Another important point that Movimiento Cosecha GR made yesterday was that the 11 million undocumented immigrants in the US are not eligible for any of the COVID-19 relief funds coming from the federal government, thus causing even extra hardship for the immigrant families that are already terrorized by law enforcement.

May 1st 2021 Action – Since there was a Democratic Party controlled Congress and White House, Movimiento Cosecha decided to do their May Day action in Washington, DC. They wanted to make the point that Democrats also Deport us!  We interviewed two of the volunteer organizers just after they got back from their time in Washington, DC. We wrote: 

We sat down with two of the Cosecha GR organizers, Gema and Idalia, both of who went to DC last weekend. We asked them four questions: 1) What was the main focus of going to Washington DC, since during the past 4 May Days, the actions have been local; 2) What kind of actions did you organize and take part in during the two days in Washington, DC; 3) There has been a clear drop in attention and support by the ally community since the November Election, what message do you have for allies about why it is important to continue supporting the immigrant justice movement; and 4) Those who went to DC were very energized, so how do you maintain that kind of energy and how do you get more people involved for the fight ahead?

For the 2022 May 1st Cosecha Action, help us make history. Be part of the fight for immigrant justice! Show the immigrant community that you are a real ally/accomplice and attend the march on Sunday!